Economic Policy

Download Globalization, Europeanization and the End of Scandinavian by Robert Geyer, Christine Ingebritsen, Jonathan W. Moses PDF

By Robert Geyer, Christine Ingebritsen, Jonathan W. Moses

A key debate within the Eighties and Nineteen Nineties revolves round the transforming into energy of globalization and, within the eu context, Europeanization. Denmark, Norway and Sweden lie on the middle of the talk over even if the top of the geographical region has arrived or if nationwide differences stay paramount. This quantity solutions the query of even if we're witnessing the top of the social democratic period via exploring the improvement of Scandinavian financial coverage and welfare state/social policy.

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It follows from this logic that integration and internationalization will undermine the model as business exploits the exit option now available. This interpretation is of questionable merit. External trade is a functional equivalent to the exit option of capital, which is seen to have arisen as a result of the liberalization of financial markets. If the social democratic model had indeed placed undue burdens on employers, they could not have been successful in international competition. However, the trade relations of both countries with the EC/EU were not informed by a perceived need to protect their industries.

N u-. 26 Europeanization and the Crisis Admittedly, other Western European countries could not have afforded the expansion of public sector employment. Yet it does not follow that, in the absence of oil wealth, a return to more expansionary policies is dependent on internationally coordinated reflation. In the absence of a fixed exchange rate commitment there is considerable leeway for monetary policies even in an internationalized economy. Hence, a return to more employment-oriented policies will not have to await EU-level agreement, but is possible if labour markets can handle less unemployment without setting off inflation.

Geyer argues that the EU issue has been so difficult for the DNA because it contradicts and weakens the traditional areas of national political and economic sovereignty. Furthermore, over time, opposition to the EU has become institutionalized within the Norwegian society and the DNA. Geyer contends that, in regard to the EU issue, the DNA is divided into four main factions: post-materialists, traditionalists, rural/state dependants and modernizers. The first three factions are strongly opposed to the EU, but are not a dominant force within the DNA elite.

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