By Marianne Lafrance (auth.), Paul E. McGhee, Jeffrey H. Goldstein (eds.)
About a decade in the past we edited The Psychology of Humor. along with the precis bankruptcy and bibliography of approximately four hundred goods, the publication contained 11 unique papers that represented the country of information at the moment. We confess that it used to be difficult to fill that quantity with great contributions. In a couple of circumstances we invited members simply at the foundation of getting heard throughout the grapevine that they have been doing attention-grabbing paintings on humor. Our resources proved trustworthy and we have been proud of the consequences. We even made new neighbors because of those blind invites. however the truth is still that during the early Nineteen Seventies there has been just a handful of social scientists learning humor and laughter. The background of humor learn sooner than the Seventies is additionally characterised by way of the non permanent dedication to investigating humor between those that did enterprise out and check out their hand at designing humor reviews. For purposes that stay uncertain, many investigators released just one or humor reviews prior to forsaking the world in prefer of a few different learn area. now we have the effect that for many years social scientists were very intrigued via the belief of learning humor. Psychologists have suspected for a very long time that humor someway is essential within the lives of individuals. we discover laughter and humor happening nearly anywhere we discover humans engaged in social interaction.
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Example text
While most of us feel confident about whether something is or is not funny, do we find it funny only because we notice our laughter or because of cognitions that we monitor independent of our laughter? Studies of children's humor have demonstrated that jokes or cartoons that pose some moderate level of effort for comprehension are judged to be funnier than those that are either very easily understood or understood only with extreme effort (McGhee, 1976; Zigler, Levine, & Gould, 1966, 1967). It is not clear whether these children (school-aged) were aware of the difficulty they had in understanding the material presented, but this would appear to be a good starting point for studying metacognitive determinants of judgments of funniness.
Psychological Bulletin, 1975,82,87-103. Das, J. , Kirby, J. , & Jarman, R. F. Simultaneous and successive cognitive processes. New York: Academic Press, 1979. , & Devine, J. Humor by violating an existing expectancy. Journal of Psychology, 1981, 108 107-110. , & Kizer, P. Humor and the incongruity hypothesis. Journal ofPsychology, 1975,90, 215-218. Flavell, J. Metacognition and cognitive monitoring: A new arena of cognitive developmental inquiry. American Psychologist, 1979, 34, 906-911. , & August, D.
Research completed in the 1970s by Howard Leventhal and his associates underscores the importance of initiating the study of metacognitive processes in humor. Their data suggest that males and females differ in the information (at least regarding laughter) used to make decisions about funniness. When shown either a slapstick film or cartoons accompanied by a laugh track, both high school (Leventhal & Mace, 1970) and college students (Cupchik & Leventhal, 1974) showed increased laughter, relative to a non-laugh-track condition.