Economic Policy

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By John Rennie Short (auth.)

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Just before the invasion, Rumsfeld effectively sacked the Army’s chief of staff, General Shinseki, who had direct experience of postconflict reconstruction in postwar Yugoslavia, for suggesting troop levels in the hundreds of thousands, high enough to secure social order in the wake of the invasion. Even the military commanders on the ground were ignored. To fill the vacuum Paul L. Bremer was appointed as head of the newly established Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in May 2003. He became the de facto leader of the country.

An influential right-wing group, including Rumsfeld, Cheney, and Wolfowitz, envisaged a United States whose power was so overwhelming that it was unchallengeable. It did not need allies; allies needed to align themselves with the United States. From a position of uncontestable military superiority the United States could remake the world, act unilaterally, and undertake preemptive strikes to achieve its objectives. Paul Wolfowitz, a key architect of this doctrine, was a Washington insider who started off as an academic.

He had some experience in diplomacy, having served in the Foreign Service, but could not speak any Arabic and had little experience in the region. He was, however, a close personal friend of Scooter Libby and had worked for Kissinger Associates. He was a political appointment, his Republican credentials and connections more important than any specific skill set for the job at hand. Indeed his lack of Arabic and his ignorance of Arab culture was a positive for Rumsfeld, who did not want State Department Arab specialists getting involved in the postwar construction; since they knew the region they might not fully buy into the simple objective of remaking the country in an image of US democracy.

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