By Nancy Whittier
As lately as 1970, baby sexual abuse used to be noticeable as tremendous infrequent and typically risk free. Over thirty years later, the media on a regular basis covers baby sexual abuse instances, many survivors communicate brazenly approximately their studies, and a thriving community of private and non-private corporations search to avoid baby sexual abuse and treatment its results. this is often the tale of those dramatic adjustments and the activists who helped carry them approximately.
The Politics of kid Sexual Abuse is the 1st learn of activism opposed to baby sexual abuse, tracing its emergence in feminist anti-rape efforts, its improvement into mainstream self-help, and its access into mass media and public coverage. Nancy Whittier deftly charts the improvement of the movement's "therapeutic politics," demonstrating that activists seen strategies for altering feelings and one's experience of self as important for common social swap and mixed them with efforts to alter associations and the nation. notwithstanding activism originated with feminists, because the move grew and unfold to incorporate the objectives of non-feminist survivors, competitors, therapists, legislation enforcement, and elected officers, members have been pulled towards formulations of kid sexual abuse as a scientific or legal challenge and clear of emphases on gender and tool. within the procedure, the circulate either succeeded past its wildest goals and observed its schedule reworked in ways in which have been occasionally unrecognizable.
A lucid and relocating account, The Politics of kid Sexual Abuse attracts robust classes concerning the transformative capability of healing politics, their connection to associations, and the methods of incomplete social swap that represent American politics today.
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Extra resources for The Politics of Child Sexual Abuse: Emotion, Social Movements, and the State
Sample text
Like policy gains, media selection processes favored movement messages that resonated with mainstream beliefs. Chapter 6 looks at countermovement organizing, highlighting the struggles over the social construction of knowledge that came with the rise of the FMSF and its allies, and analyzing the political and cultural reasons for its success. Chapter 7 traces the development of a repoliticized self-help movement focused on visibility politics in the wake of the countermovement. Chapter 8 returns to the question of activists’ engagement with the state, examining the different forms that movement organizations’ relationships with state authorities took during the 1990s and 2000s, when the therapeutic state dealing with child sexual abuse was well developed, and shows the kind of access and compromise these relationships brought.
This approach, which was growing in many segments of the women’s movement, was to prove central in the survivors’ movement a few years later. The fact that more than 2000 women from around the world experienced it in an intense and memorable setting could only have helped to lay the groundwork for its diffusion in the next couple of years. 15 One outcome of the Mexico City conference was a number of national conferences on the status of women. ”16 Despite conflict between feminists and anti-feminists, Houston delegates endorsed a platform that was overwhelmingly in favor of women’s rights (Irvine 2002; Rossi 1982; Whittier 1995).
You know, what right did we have to talk to children? Even aside from children’s disclosures, the CAP project was not uncontroversial. Parents sometimes objected on the grounds that the schools were usurping a function better left to the family. But within the women’s movement, CAP was golden. The “Safe, Strong, and Free” curriculum spread to other programs around the country during the late 1970s and early 1980s, and staff traveled to train them. As a result, CAP shaped understandings of the issue nationally and began to establish networks.