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By Leonard Berkowitz (Eds.)

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Despite the actor-observer difference in causal attributions (Jones & Nisbett, 1971), the fundamental attribution error (Jones & Davis, 1965; Ross, 1977) appears to affect self-perception as well as the perception of other people (Jones, 1979; Watson, 1982). Thus, REPRESENTATIONS OF THE SELF 19 through dissonance reduction (Festinger, 1957) or self-perception (Bern, 1967, 1972), people may come to infer an attribute of themselves that was not present before. In this case, what started out as strategic self-presentation may turn into authentic self-presentation.

Bower and Gilligan (1979) found a equivalent self-reference effect, whether or not the item was judged in an episodic memory task (in which the subject was asked to recall a specific personal experience in which she or he manifested the characteristic) or in a semantic memory task (the subject had to determine whether the item was self-descriptive). However, it is not at all clear that this effect is unique to the self. For example, memory is also enhanced if the orienting task involves deciding whether the trait adjective is descriptive of some other person who is familiar to the subject.

A good example of consciously accessible procedural knowledge may be found in the self-presentation strategies discussed by Goffman ( 1959) and Jones (Jones 1964; Jones & Pittman, 1982). Strategic self-presentation, or impression management, involves deliberately attempting to shape another person’s view of us. The purpose may be to gain power over that person in some specific social interaction or simply to inculcate an impression that is congruent with the actor’s own self-concept. Jones and Pittman have discussed a number of such strategies, including ingratiation, intimidation, self-promotion, exemplification, and supplication.

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