By Knaak M.
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Their report proposed that an international “Atomic Development Authority” be established, with control over all aspects of nuclear energy. On‐site inspections would be necessary to make international control workable. While this proposal was fair, at least from the US viewpoint, the Soviets would almost certainly have rejected it because of Stalin’s determination to build a nuclear arsenal for his nation so as to ensure military equality with America. But the US negotiator, Bernard Baruch, never gave the Acheson–Lilienthal proposal a chance.
Other scholars, especially after the 1990s, have been sharply critical. “[Roosevelt’s] effort should have been less to win Stalin’s trust and more to win his respect,” Wilson D. ”6 Although these criticisms are persuasive, it also is true that Roosevelt’s largely cooperative, optimistic approach helped to keep the Grand Alliance functioning fairly smoothly—except on the Polish issue—until his death on April 12, 1945. Despite Roosevelt’s generally conciliatory approach and his awareness of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the issue of the future of Poland led to serious strains in the Grand Alliance, especially during the last ten months of the war in Europe (July 1944– May 1945).
This is what we went to war against Germany for—that Poland should be free and sovereign. Everyone here knows … that it nearly cost us our life as a nation. After a brief intermission, Stalin replied with equal conviction: The Prime Minister has said that for Great Britain the question of Poland is a question of honor. For Russia it is not only a question of honor but of security. … During the last thirty years our German enemy has passed through this corridor twice. Roosevelt achieved many of his goals at Yalta: a voting formula in the new United Nations’ organization, Soviet recognition of Chiang Kai‐shek’s anticommunist government in China, and a definite Soviet commitment to enter the war against Japan.